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The Issei
Buddhism Conference
University of California at Irvine
September 3-5, 2004
The Issei
and the Jodo Denomination in Hawaii during the 1920’s:
Research
from the “Propagation Records”[i]
Rev. Joshin Washimi
ABSTRACT: Jodo
Shu in Hawaii started
as Buddhism
for Japanese. This Japanese Buddhism was a syncretization of folk
beliefs and
ancestor veneration or what we might call Folk Buddhism (minzoku
bukkyo).
The teachings of Folk Buddhism are belief in ancestor veneration and hotoke
(literally
meaning Buddha but used to refer to deceased family members). Ancestor
veneration
forms the core of the rituals of the Japanese Buddhist temple. For
example, in
the temple the most important activities are memorial services for the
deceased
until the 33rd year after their passing and
the yearly religious
events such as New Year’s. The congregation consisted of those who
lived in the
local community. This Folk Buddhism was transmitted to Hawaii
principally by
immigrants. The role of the priests was to provide leadership in
maintaining
the culture and customs of the community. This was not so much a
systematic
plan of propagation but rather the natural evolution of attending to
the needs
of the immigrant community. I believe this is the nature of Japanese
Buddhism
overseas, especially in Hawaii. Although various studies have shown
that this
form of Buddhism is dying, my research has shown that the present third
generation is returning to the temple in order to deal with the deaths
of
family members. While ancestor veneration has remained a constant
through the
years, the nature of the present generation’s involvement is more on a
personal
or familial level than the more communal and cultural level of the
first
generation. This paper is based on my research of Japanese religion in
Hawaii
conducted through Jodo Shu in 1980 and 1994-95 and further personal
research
since that time.
Jodo
Shu has been able
to develop “the Buddhism of the Japanese” in Hawaii. This can be said
to be a
religion of ancestor veneration brought together from folk customs and
beliefs.
The issue of the renewal of traditional Japanese propagating methods
due to the
increase in second-generation native children (jidai doho)
has become
increasingly important since the 1920s. This is part of the so-called
rebirth
of American religion. However, within the limits of examining this
development
up to the present day, the attempt within Jodo Shu to confront this new
Buddhism has not been successful and so the issue lingers on as before.
Due to
this, it has been thought that Buddhism among the first and especially
second
generations is dying out slowly. In reality, according to the majority
view of
the elders in the community, the third generation (now in their 40s and
50s) goes
to the Buddhist temple for veneration and funerals for
parents/ancestors, while
they have joined other religions for their own personal needs. However,
in 2004
I collected questionnaires from a survey of 200 3rd
generation Jodo
Shu members (I received 400 total but half had quit Jodo Shu). Among
these 200,
it could be seen that they joined Jodo Shu due to the funeral of a
parent,
brother or sister. To sum up, ancestor veneration (i.e. family memorial
service, senzokuyo)
appears to hold only little appeal for third
generation Japanese.
For Japanese Buddhism in Hawaii in the 1920s, one can see an
interest in ancestor veneration, specifically a desire for the services
of
mediums and prayers for worldly benefits. In the second edition of “Propagation Records”, schools and other
such
services were the core of Nishi Honganji, Higashi Hongani and Jodo
Shu’s propagation
activities. However, prayer for this-worldly benefit was the core of
Shingon,
Soto Zen and Nichiren Shu’s activities.[ii]
If we also take into account a study by the Jodo Shu Research
Institute in 1995, we see that all Japanese religious groups are
showing a
tendency towards decline. The reason for this is the small number of
third
generation members who participate. It would be good to examine some
common approaches to this third
generation. In general, groups
with mediums and
secret ceremonies have experienced an increase in
non-Japanese descendent believers.[iii]
In general, ancestor veneration and this-worldly benefits are
connected together in creating the form of Japanese Buddhism. In Hawaii
as well,
this tradition has been continued. In this paper, in the case of Jodo
Shu, we
would first like to clarify what is continuing and what is changing by
comparing
the present situation with the role of the temple as expected by the
first
generation.
What can we expect is the role of Jodo Shu for Hawaiian immigrants?
We can see that propagation is the purpose. First of all, I would like
to
confirm why propagation went forward in Hawaii. Then, I’d like to look
at the
concrete conditions of the principal activities of Jodo Shu temples in
Hawaii
around the time of 1920.
The Purpose of Propagation in Hawaii
In
1894 (Meiji Era 27)
Okabe Gakuo in March and Matsuo Taijo in May arrived in Honolulu. This
propagation was taken on voluntarily for Jodo Shu to support the
organization
called the Hawaii Mission (senkyo-kai).
(Jodo Shu propagation
organizations began in 1898 but the funding for them was not regular.
Thus, the
characteristic which was strongest was “propagation by individual
missionaries”).
According to Jodo
Shu Kyo-ho #160
entitled “The Aim of the Hawaii Mission” (senkyo-kai no
sushi)
[October, Meiji 26][iv],
the
principal purpose was to obstruct the conversion to Christianity of
Japanese
immigrants who were seen as “religious
vagrants”, a
people without their own religion. Furthermore, there was a deep
distress
at the retreat of morality: “When they change their religion, they will
successively lose their character as ethnic Japanese (Yamato minzoku)”;
and “when
the culture of our morality dies then we invite the shame of Japan
through
harming our own bodies on the outside and indulging in wine, women and
gambling
on the inside” (Jodo kyo-ho 154).
Consequently, the voyage to Hawaii was
made to propagate the “Pursuit Teaching” [追教],
and from that time onwards the direction was decided.
(Until today, the way that propagation can correspond to American
sensibilities
remains an important issue). According to Yojo no hikari,
“over more
than two hundred made the journey to immigrate to Hawaii at this time
along
with the members of Sairen-ji and its abbot from Oshima in Yamaguchi
prefecture”. At this time, many of the Hawaiian Japanese immigrants
belonged to
Jodo Shinshu, while the core of Jodo Shu followers came from Oshima.[v]
The abbot of
Sairen-ji in Oshima was non-other than Okabe Gakuo who had been chosen
for the
fulltime propagation of the Hawaiian Mission. He engaged in propagation
by
making regular rounds of the Sairen-ji followers who had made the
journey as
well as calling for the development of land for a temple. Although the
details
of his propagation made in the process of making these rounds are not
clear,
the core activities were veneration for the dead, sermonizing, and
visiting the
graves of Japanese.
If we look at
Okabe’s propagation rounds (Jodo kyo-ho #197),
we see that on
July 18, 1894 he landed at Kahului Bay on the island of Maui and based
himself
at the residence of a Mr. Yamane, making propagation visits to each
camp. On
August 5th, after landing at Hilo Bay on the big island of
Hawaii,
he began his propagation work from the home of a Mr. Yokoyama, the
clerk at a
store in the Hakalau camp. Both Mr. Yamane and Mr. Yokoyama were
followers of
Sairen-ji temple. After this he moved to Kalappa in the Hamakua
district and
established regular propagation activities working in the camps. As a
result,
in the following year in 1895 he was able to gain use of land for the
building
of a temple. In 1896 he noted,“regardless of denomination, a temple has
been
built for the resident Japanese of the five plantations in Hamakua.
According
to these conditions a Buddhist association has been established.”
According to Jodo
Shu Kaigai Kaikyo no Ayumi (Steps of the Jodo Shu Overseas Mission),
travelling
from Honolulu to Maui to Hawaii in January 1896, Okabe then established
the
Hamakua Buddhist Association in Pauhau. At the same time, according to
a
fundraising guide for the building of the Hamakua Buddhist
Association’s hall,
he developed a plan to build a common cemetery.
From this
time up to 1917, 3 temples on Oahu, 2 temples on Kauai, 3 temples on
Maui, and
9 other temples and associations were established so that the present
placement
of Jodo Shu temples was set. As well as establishing temples, by the
1920s
Japanese language schools (Japanese schools and native language
schools) were
for the larger part created. [vi]
If we look at
the first activities of such missionary work, we see that propagation
activities played a central role in providing religious service and
maintaining
and strengthening the morality and ethics of Japanese immigrants. In
this way,
a basic propagation policy was achieved.
I would now
like to talk about the development of propagation from these three
basic
standpoints:
(A)
Religious
activities
(B)
Education
activities
(C)
Social
activities
(A)Religious
Activities:
Propagation of Nembutsu Followers
Looking at
these details and the contents of propagation to the Japanese
immigrants who
came to Hawaii, it becomes clear what is “Pursuit Teaching” [追教].
That is, priests from a particular sect, such as Jodo Shu, would follow
or
“pursue” and propagate to the lay followers who belonged the same sect
in
Japan, for example Sairen-ji. Consequently,
the core religious activities of
Japanese Buddhism arrived in Hawaii in tact. The principal role of the
Japanese
Buddhist temple was funerals, one year memorial services and venerating
the
ancestors who secure the safety of the dead – all of which are part of
the deeply rooted character of Japanese folk Buddhism. If we change the
name it
would be Buddhist ancestor veneration. At the same time, sermons gave
an
explanation of daily ethics. The record of the census of the
association of the
Honolulu Mission temple reads, “The types and methods of transmission
adapted
for this area are: 1) concerning English language preaching, to show
the actual
results of propagation for second and third generation [immigrants] in
writing
and propagation; 2) concerning propagation visits, to proceed with
regular
monthly assemblies of nembutsu association
believers; 3) concerning
propagation to the associations, to attend association gatherings on
Sunday and
during memorial services; and 4) to sermonize in a simple way during
the
assembling of large numbers of believers during funerals and normal
propagation
times. In looking at the yearly practices from Jodo Shu’s census, we
see that
the principal gatherings were: Gyoki [Honen’s
birthday],
Shakyamuni’s birthday, Obon,
New Year’s Joya-no-kane;
Spring and
Fall Higan;
Sunday school and nembutsu association
sermons.
At the beginning of the mission work, activities were largely
carried out in the camps. Then there was the development out of the
first crude
buildings used. The Japanese laborers from each camp were scattered
through the
region. Missionaries conducted memorial services and propagation
through
extended visits on their rounds through the camps.
For example, amongst the Buddhist association of Laupahoehoe
in 1900, 14 camps were visited for propagation.[vii]
Following this experience of propagation in the camps, a proposal was
made to
use a propagation method of door to door visits to private houses.
Further, concerning
the establishment of temples, the white plantation owners also
recognized their
role in assuring the stability of the immigrant community. Thus they
made an
almost free offer for a temple site rented at $1/year, leased for 99
years.
(B)
The
Education of Immigrant Children
Jodo
Shu propagation
began in Hawaii in 1894. However, by this time the second generation of
Japanese
immigrants was already increasing. By 1900, they were 1,552 in number
and made
up 10% of all children in Hawaii. Consequently, there were demands for
children’s
education in addition to ancestor veneration and propagation
activities. The
first Jodo Shu Japanese language school was established in 1899 with
the
Laupahoehoe Japanese Language School. From then until 1917, 40 Japanese
language
schools (or simply primary schools) were created. “Five and six year
old
children have been accepted to the primary schools, and today day
nursery work
has begun”[viii].
Further, mothers took up positions and dormitories were established.
Borders
numbered 60-70 students. In brief, the children scattered about in each
of the
camps were given accommodation at this dormitory, and their care as
well as
their education was provided for.[ix]
Moreover, as the numbers increased, the human connection
among these children of the first generation greatly strengthened. The
Ichikawa
School in Honolulu was established. Mrs. Sae Tachikawa, the wife of the
super
intendent Mr. Shinkyo Ichikawa,
transferred
from the Okala Japanese Language School to the Hakalau Association as
well as
all of the students. In this way, religious activities and children’s
education
activities developed together as the two wheels of the Hawaii Jodo Shu
community until 1945.
However, in 1941 there was the unavoidable evacuation of Japanese.
After the reopening in 1947 the student numbers decreased
by 1/3 from the levels of the previous 41 years.
(C)
Social
Activities
Propagation
work was
centered in the camps. The mission that came to life was to cooperate
and aid
the problems of the immigrants on an individual basis without losing
the
religious connection. There was also the broader goal of doing
compassionate,
welfare activities.
To pick up an
example, engaging in education was a service. Immigrant children needed
boarding at the temple, which was attached to the Japanese language
school. The
temple also had to “deal with various documents on the behalf of the
immigrants,
provide personal advice and write letters to home” for those who were
illiterate among the first Japanese. However, the second and third
generations
were independent in not only daily affairs but also social, economic
and
cultural ones. Thus the welfare activities of the temple done for the
first
immigrants were cut back. However, on the other side there was a birth
of new
welfare activities.
In the camps as well as the temples, associations based
around different generations were created, such as the young person’s,
single
women’s, middle aged, and wife’s associations, and so work and planning
took
place. Cultural activities flourished such as etiquette lessons, flower
and tea
ceremony, sewing as well as athletic competitions in kendo, sumo and
others sports.
For example, the Meisho Young Women’s Association “met promptly at 1:00
p.m.
every Sunday. First they held a veneration service in front of the
Buddha, then
they listened to a sermon from the priest, and then studied various
self-help
activities like sewing and handicrafts, or cultural activities like
etiquette,
calligraphy or flower arrangement, etc.”[x]
These were the activities of the temple. It is also well
known that the temples played a major role in forming the Japanese
language
schools. For the first generation which had established their life and
security
in Hawaii, it became popular for their children to receive this
education for
becoming adults and returning to Japan. Second generation chief
overseas priest
Rev. Ito Enjo supported this trend, because he thought that it was a
mistake to
become naturalized and for the families to become scattered. Thus in
1910 he
planned the establishment of a women’s school (Hawaii Women’s School)
which was
realized in 1911. Rev Ito confronted the Catholic missions by
appointing monks
and nuns as teachers, such as the nuns Rev. Nagai Renyu and Igarashi
Kyozan.
Through such a process, Japanese could reinforce their own
self-awareness.
However, today these young person’s and wife’s associations have become
aged and
the usual meaning of young person’s association cannot be realized. To
speak of
the actual condition, the association of believers is an assembly of
elderly
believers (excluding the Hilo Meisho-in on the big island of Hawaii).
In the above, I have shown the integration of a Japanese
society from the inside through the creation of various activities.
However,
the construction of their position within Hawaiian society entailed
developing
their social position, engaging in trade and learning the language.
Thus we can
also say that Japanese immigrant (nikkei)
society spread. Amidst
this situation, the temple played an integrating role for these nikkei,
but it has
grown
weaker and its integrating role for the house and the family has
contracted.
For
the present third
generation, the temple and Buddhism are an individual belief of one’s
parents
and grandparent’s generation. One can see that it is distant from the
self. The
temple’s role of preserving Japanese identity by imprinting it through
a
process of individual development is being lost. However, on the side
of
improvement, the death of parents and siblings is a chance for the
choosing of
religion and its present establishment. This can result in the
divergent paths
of inheriting one’s parents or siblings’ religion, the parents passing
on their
religion, or coming to a different religion by oneself. In religious
terms this
means the need to revive a distinct foundation for the
individual to
deal with
the pressing decision of choosing Christianity or Buddhism, for
example. This
can be said to be a period of new decisions. In the midst of this, the
problem
that is arising is that the ancestor veneration of the generations up
to the
third generation is not being transmitted. Right now at the Hawaii Jodo
Shu Betsuin,
visiting graves at Christmas is increasing as well as visiting graves
on the
birthday of the deceased. It seems that traditional Japanese ancestor
veneration is changing in form. Yet I would like to note that while
seeing the
change in customs of enshrining the dead, there is also a transmission
of
custom going on.
Endnotes: